Abstract of my PhD Dissertation Project at University of Michigan

Title:

Plundering the City:

How Capital Eroded a Community’s Social Infrastructure

Dissertation Committee:

Ana Morcillo Pallarés,
Robert Fishman,
Matthew Lassiter,
Dan O’Flaherty,
Kenneth Jackson,

Associate Professor of Architecture, Co-Chair
Professor Emeritus of Architecture, Co-Chair
Professor of History
Professor of Economics at Columbia University
Professor Emeritus of History at Columbia University

Prince Street in 1916 vs. 1990

Full text of project:
The full text is not published anywhere online. Please email me privately to request access.

Interactive mapping and web component of dissertation project:

Please visit NewarkChanging.org, a geo-located collection of 2,400 past vs. present photo comparisons of Newark’s vanished neighborhoods and community spaces in the 1950s vs. present day.

Abstract: This is the history of a nation told through the story of one place…

Social infrastructure describes the quality of your social interactions outside the home. Corner stores, bodegas, family-owned businesses, and local newspapers all promote social interactions outside the home. Some cities have social infrastructure: walkable streets, public parks, population density, mass transit, local-scale craft industries, and shared neighborhood spaces that encourage different social classes to mix. Other cities lack social infrastructure. Social infrastructure can be created or destroyed – nurtured or plundered.

Newark, New Jersey is now the poorest city in the world’s wealthiest metro region. As a city of 300,000 people in just 24 square miles, the racial and spatial politics of this city are a mirror for urban history, a microcosm for twentieth-century American history. Newark used to be a city where wealthy people lived, and where working-class people built up a vibrant social infrastructure. It is a now a city that lacks abundant social infrastructure and meaningful pathways for working-class people to re-shape their built environment. In lonely pockets of urban poverty, a generation of people are living quiet lives of struggle and desperation. In neighborhoods without grocery stores and communities with limited social infrastructure, a generation of young people and families struggle to acquire the skills and tools needed to improve their situation.

A subway ride away from Newark, New York City is the world’s wealthiest metro region, in what is the most powerful nation in world history. This expansive metro region includes a dozen satellite cities, 27 counties, 300 satellite suburbs, and homes for at least 20 million people. One-fifth of all container ships carrying international goods pass through the Port of New York. This region alone generates one tenth of the nation’s GDP. The New York City metro region alone – if measured separately from the nation’s GDP – has a larger GDP than all of Russia’s. Despite its population, land area, and mineral wealth, the GDP for all of sub-Saharan Africa is still lower than New York City metro’s. Due to social policies and income inequalities, the world’s wealthiest people in New York City are only a short drive from communities of the impoverished and unemployed in Newark. This study examines how capital and technological change created a landscape divided by income and social class – new forms of spatial apartheid.

From the 1910s to the 1960s, technological change and market forces systematically eroded the city’s social infrastructure of craft industries, corner grocery stores, and family-owned businesses. Market forces demolished an older city of mass transit, small businesses, and dense urban streets to create a newer city of highways, shopping malls, and endless suburbs.1 Population flight to the crabgrass frontier2 of suburbs deprived cities of the ability to sustain social infrastructure. The results are the death of great American cities3 and an urban culture of bowling alone.4

The poverty of families and loss of social infrastructure in the city today were not inevitable. Decline was engineered. Thousands of other American cities – large and small – struggle on with the consequences of capital flight and technological change. Through novel research methods and spatial analysis of hundreds of thousands of phone book and census records, this study illustrates the decline of social infrastructure in neighborhoods that are now cultural and food deserts. The decline of social infrastructure shapes the origins of today’s urban crisis.

As arson raged across the city and as capital fled to the suburbs in the 1970s, Newark’s first black mayor, Kenneth Gibson, welcomed outside investment – in hopes that technological progress and corporate investors would reshape and revive his troubled city. His words of hope promised that the best was yet to come:

“We’re going to make this a model city. […] If you talk about the urban problem in America, it’s here. If we solve the urban problem here, we can export our solution to other areas. [….] Wherever American cities are going, Newark is going to get there first.”5

A half-century later of false starts and broken promises, these words ring hollow. The city might be able to regrow and build back new towers and apartment buildings. But – in a world now reshaped by mass consumption and the modern means of production – the older patterns of urbanism, social infrastructure, and craft production are not coming back. To truly rebuild the city requires something more: systemic change. To imagine this city – this metro region – as it should be requires a serious and sustained engagement with urban history. Planning for a truly egalitarian metropolis in the future requires us to learn from the templates of urbanism and social infrastructure that worked, and did not work, a century ago. This study describes the patterns of urbanism that worked, and did not work, a century ago – so as to equip communities today with a historically-informed vision for social justice and community organizing. To create social infrastructure today demands nothing less than community ownership of the means of production.

The evolution of the Howard Savings Institution, c.1916, 1995, 1998, 2026

notes
  1. The methods of this study are largely inspired from the work of these four authors: Douglas Rae, The City: Urbanism and Its End (New Haven: Yale University Press, 2003). ↩︎
  2. Kenneth Jackson, Crabgrass Frontier: The Suburbanization of the United States (Oxford University Press, 1985). ↩︎
  3. Jane Jacobs, The Death and Life of Great American Cities (New York: Random House, 1961). ↩︎
  4. Robert D. Putnam, Bowling Alone: The Collapse and Revival of American Community (New York: Simon & Schuster, 2000). ↩︎
  5. Joseph P. Fried, “Kenneth Gibson, 86, Dies; Newark Mayor Broke Race Barrier in Northeast,” The New York Times, March 31, 2019, nytimes.com/2019/03/31/obituaries/kenneth-a-gibson-dead-at-86.html. ↩︎
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